Bashar al-Assad's inner circle

Although Bashar al-Assad inherited Syria's presidency on his father's death in 2000, analysts say he does not have Hafez al-Assad's absolute grip on power. He is surrounded by military and intelligence figures, most of whom are either related to the president or are members of his minority Alawite community.

Maher al-Assad, Republican Guard chief

The president's youngest brother is believed to be the second most powerful man in Syria. He heads the Republican Guard, the elite force which protects the regime from domestic threats and is the only one permitted to enter Damascus. He also controls the army's fourth division.

Maher (left) is said to have helped persuade Bashar (right) to put an end to talk of reform

After studying business at the University of Damascus, Maher followed his older brother Basil into the military. Some thought he would be named Hafez's successor after Basil's death in 1994, but Bashar was chosen.

Before his promotion to general, Maher commanded a Republican Guard brigade. This provided him with valuable military experience and allowed him to establish personal ties with many officers.

In 2000, shortly after Bashar became president, Maher became a member of Baath Party's second highest body, the Central Committee.

He has a reputation for being unstable, and allegedly shot and wounded his brother-in-law, Asef Shawkat, in an argument over family honour.

In 2000, Maher is reported to have helped persuade Bashar to put an end to the political openness seen during the first few months of his rule - the short-lived "Damascus Spring". Years of suppression followed.

Three years later, Israeli media said Maher had attended a series of informal meetings in Jordan with the director of Israel's foreign minister and two Israeli-Arab businessmen to discuss resuming peace talks.

In 2005, Maher and Shawkat were both mentioned in a preliminary report by UN investigators as one of the people who might have planned the assassination of the former Lebanese Prime Minister, Rafik Hariri.

Maher's troops have been sent to quell unrest in across Syria, activists say

When mass pro-democracy protests began in the southern city of Deraa in March 2011, Maher's Alawite-dominated fourth division - which is deployed on Syrian territory bordering the Israeli-occupied Golan Heights, and controls the capital's approaches - was sent in to crush them. Human rights activists say dozens of people have since been killed.

At one protest in Deraa, many shouted slogans denouncing Maher, including: "Maher you coward. Send your troops to liberate the Golan."

By late April, witnesses said the fourth division's tanks had cut off Deraa and were shelling residential areas, while troops were storming homes and rounding up people believed to have been taking part in the protests.

Radwan Ziadeh of the Damascus Centre for Human Rights Studies said Maher's troops had also been sent to quell unrest in other parts of Syria.

Rumours persist that Maher might challenge his brother's rule - much like his uncle Rifaat attempted to seize power from Hafez in 1983 - but there is no evidence that he has sufficient power to challenge his rule.

Asef Shawkat, deputy chief of staff of the armed forces

Gen Shawkat was considered one of the president's top security chiefs.

However, he was replaced in 2010 as head of Military Intelligence and made deputy chief-of-staff of the armed forces. Although he was also promoted, opposition figures said he was seen to have been at fault in the 2008 assassination of Hezbollah military commander Imad Mughniyeh in an area of Damascus that fell under his responsibility.

The US said Asef Shawkat was a fundamental contributor to Syria's policy to foment terrorism

Analysts disagreed, however, saying there was no political significance and that preparations were in fact being made to appoint Gen Shawkat chief-of-staff of the armed forces or defence minister.

Born in the 1950s to a middle-class Alawite family in Tartous, he studied law at Damascus University. He joined the army in the late 1970s.

He rose through the ranks, but his fortunes changed spectacularly in the mid-1990s when he married Hafez al-Assad's only daughter, Bushra - despite misgivings from within the Assad family because he was a divorced father-of-five who was 10 years her senior. They eloped after the death of Basil al-Assad, who had objected to the match.

After receiving the blessing of Hafez, he was welcomed into the family and built a close relationship with Bashar. Bushra reportedly nurtured the relationship through her influential role as the president's secretary.

Former Vice-President Abdul Halim Khaddam said Gen Shawkat was a "smart, cultivated, and courageous officer with great ambitions", who had established ties with intelligence chiefs and other powerbrokers.

But there were reports of friction with Bashar's younger brother, Maher, who is alleged to have shot him in the stomach in 1999 after he criticised his uncle, Rifaat. He was flown to Paris for treatment at a military hospital.

Gen Shawkat later became the de facto chief of military intelligence, a title he officially acquired in 2005.

After the 11 September 2001 attacks, Gen Shawkat was one of the president's main liaisons to intelligence agencies in the US and Europe and helped set up a US intelligence operation in Syria, which was later shut down after relations between the two countries soured.

In 2005, Maher and Shawkat were both mentioned in a preliminary report by UN investigators as one of the people who might have planned the assassination of the former Lebanese Prime Minister, Rafik Hariri.

The next year, Gen Shawkat was named a Specially Designated National (SDN) by the US, allowing his assets to be frozen. It said he had "been a key architect of Syria's domination of Lebanon, as well as a fundamental contributor to Syria's long-standing policy to foment terrorism".

Rami Makhlouf

A first cousin of Bashar Assad, Mr Makhlouf is arguably the most powerful economic figure in Syria. He has been the subject of persistent accusations of corruption and cronyism, and analysts say no foreign companies can do business in Syria without his consent.

Rami Makhlouf has been a target of the protests as much as the president and his brother

Through his holding company, Ramak, Mr Makhlouf controls the country's main mobile phone operator Syriatel, a bank, free trade zones, duty free shops, a construction company, an airline, and imports luxury cars and tobacco. He is also vice-chairman of Cham Holding, considered Syria's largest private company, and owns two private TV channels.

In 2008, the US treasury banned US firms and individuals from doing business with Mr Makhlouf, and froze his US-based assets. It accused him of "corrupt behaviour", "disadvantaging innocent Syrian businessmen and entrenching a regime that pursues oppressive and destabilising politics".

"Makhlouf has manipulated the Syrian judicial system and used Syrian intelligence officials to intimidate his business rivals. He employed these techniques when trying to acquire exclusive licenses to represent foreign companies in Syria and to obtain contract awards," a statement said.

"Despite President Assad's highly publicised anti-corruption campaigns, Makhlouf remains one of the primary centres of corruption in Syria."

Former Vice-President Abdul Halim Khaddam said in 2009 that Bashar's rule had been marked by "transforming corruption into an institution" headed by Mr Makhlouf. He said corruption, suppression of dissent, and economic hardship were pushing Syrians over the edge.

At the end of March, crowds attacked a branch of Syriatel in the southern city of Deraa

Two years later, anti-government protesters in the southern city of Deraa initially directed their wrath at Mr Makhlouf. At the end of March, crowds set fire to a branch of Syriatel in the southern city of Deraa.

Opposition websites later accused Mr Makhlouf of financing pro-government demonstrations both across Syria and abroad, by providing flags, meals and money for those participating.

There are unconfirmed reports that the president is planning to press Mr Makhlouf to reduce his Syriatel holdings to make way for foreign investment, as a symbol of his broader reform effort.

In 2007, the US imposed sanctions on Mr Makhlouf's brother, Hafez, for his connection with efforts to reassert Syrian control over Lebanon.

Abdul Fatah Qudsiya, head of Military Intelligence

Gen Qudsiya is the head of Military Intelligence, the paramount security agency in Syria, which has a reputation for ruthless efficiency and whose leaders have wielded considerable influence over presidents.

As well as strategic and tactical intelligence, the agency has a critical role of ensuring the leadership's physical security and the loyalty of the army.

Before replacing the president's brother-in-law Asef Shawkat sometime between 2005 and 2009, he was head of Air Force Intelligence.

Earlier in his career, Gen Qudsiya served as head of the Republican Guard's security office, and as personal secretary to Bashar al-Assad.

In 2008, Gen Qudsiya was asked to lead the security committee investigating the assassination of Hezbollah military commander Imad Mughniyeh in Damascus. The committee notably did not include Gen Shawkat, who was criticised for failing to prevent the killing.

Jamil Hassan, head of Air Force Intelligence

Maj Gen Hassan replaced Abdul Fatah al-Qudsiya as head of Air Force Intelligence in 2009. Though smaller than Military Intelligence, AFI is seen by some as the elite agency of Syria's intelligence empire. The agency owes its power to Hafez al-Assad, who was air force chief before coming to power in a coup. It has a leading role in operations against Islamist opposition groups, as well as covert actions abroad.

Zuhair Hamad, head of the General Security Directorate (GSD)

Gen Hamad succeeded Ali Mamlouk as head of the powerful General Security Directorate (GSD), which plays an important role in quelling any internal dissent. He was previously led its Special Intelligence Unit.

Opposition sources said Gen Hamad monitored newspapers, television channels and websites covering Syria, and wrote daily reports for high-ranking officials. He often summoned journalists for "clarification".

Mohammed Mansoura, head of the Political Security Directorate (PSD)

Gen Mansoura became head of the Political Security Directorate (PSD) in 2004. The agency is responsible for monitoring organised political activity, including surveillance of registered parties and political publications, as well as newspapers, television and all other media. The agency also has a regional surveillance brief.

He previously served as assistant to his predecessor, Gen Ghazi Kanaan, who went on to become interior minister. In 2005, Gen Kanaan - a former head of military intelligence in Lebanon - killed himself at the height of the UN investigation into the assassination of Rafik Hariri.

Before joining the PSD, Gen Mansoura spent 20 years as head of military security in the north-eastern governorate of Hasaka - during which he gained extensive experience with Syria's long-ostracised Kurdish minority - and then two years as director of Military Intelligence's Palestine branch.

In 2007, Gen Mansoura told an international security conference on Iraq that Syria was facing a violent campaign by Islamist "terror cells", and had "taken martyrs". He said security forces had foiled several attacks, including the failed attempt to blow up the US embassy in Damascus.

Ali Habib Mahmoud, minister of defence

Gen Habib was appointed defence minister in 2009, replacing Hassan Ali Turkumani. He previously served as chief-of-staff of the armed forces and is a decorated war veteran - he fought in the 1973 October War against Israel and led forces against Israeli troops invading Lebanon in 1982.

Gen Ali Habib is decorated war veteran

Born in 1939 in the coastal town of Tartous, Gen Habib joined the army in 1959 and worked his way up through the ranks before becoming major-general in 1986 and lieutenant-general in 1998. Between 1994 and 2000 he served as a commander of the Special Forces. He is a member of the Baath Party's Central Committee, its second most important body.

Before becoming defence minister Gen Habib was not particularly well-known outside Syria and even now, his profile remains low. But, he is one of a number of former and current officers with significant power.

Mohammed Nasif Kheirbek, deputy vice-president for security affairs

Gen Kheirbek is a member of the Alawite Kalabiya tribe, to which President Bashar al-Assad belongs. Their families are also connected by marriage - a relative is married to one of Rifaat al-Assad's daughters.

The 74-year-old has long served the Syrian regime, having served as a very close adviser to President Hafez al-Assad before being appointed deputy director of the General Security Directorate (GSD) in 1999.

He served in the position until 2006, when he was named deputy vice-president for security affairs. The next year, the US froze his assets for "contributing to the government of Syria's problematic behaviour", which it said included support of international terrorism, the pursuit of weapons of mass destruction, and the undermining of efforts in Iraq.

A leaked US diplomatic cable described Gen Kheirbek as Syria's "point-man for its relationship with Iran". It said designating him could "heighten Syrian and regional concerns about the [government's] willingness to accommodate an expansionary Iranian agenda".

Nasif Kheirbek, head of internal security forces, General Security Directorate (GSD)

Gen Kheirbek is the son of Mohammed Nasif Kheirbek, the deputy vice-president for security affairs and long-time adviser to Bashar al-Assad.

Syria's intelligence agenices play a leading role in suppressing dissent

In 2005, he was appointed head of the internal security forces of the General Security Directorate (GSD). The branch has internal security, state security and law enforcement functions. It controls the police, and has primary responsibility for surveillance on the Baath Party, the bureaucracy and the general populace.

At the time of Gen Kheirbek's appointment to replace Bahjat Suleiman - once considered one of the most powerful members of the inner circle - his father was still deputy director the GSD. His previous position was reportedly head of the technical branch of Military Intelligence.

Ali Mamluk, presidential adviser on security affairs

Lt Gen Mamluk is the influential former head of the General Security Directorate (GSD). He served in the post from 2005 to 2010, during which he was involved in some of the most sensitive issues concerning Syria. Before that he was deputy head of Air Force Intelligence.

A leaked US classified diplomatic cable discussing whether to impose financial sanctions on Gen Mamluk in 2007 said he was well known for his "objectionable activities regarding Lebanon, and his suppressing Syrian civil society and the internal opposition". The embassy in Damascus said sanctions against Gen Mamluk would "resonate well" in the country.

Despite this, Gen Mamluk discussed efforts to increase co-operation between Washington and Damascus on terrorism issues at a meeting with US diplomats in 2010, according to a leaked US classified cable.

Later that year, he was appointed a special adviser on security to President Assad. He is said to be on good terms with all intelligence agencies - the heads of the GSD, Air Force Intelligence and the Political Security Directorate were once his assistants.

Hisham Ikhtiar, director of the National Security Bureau (NSB)

Gen Ikhtiar is the head of the Baath Party Regional Command's National Security Bureau (NSB), which co-ordinates the work of Syria's intelligence agencies and formulates recommendations for the president. Between 2001 and 2005, he was in charge of the General Security Directorate.

In 2006, the US imposed financial sanctions on Gen Ikhtiar for "significantly contributing to the Syrian government's support for designated terrorist organisations". While at the GSD, Gen Ikhtiar directed activities that "significantly contributed to the Syrian government's military and security presence in Lebanon", it said.

Zuhair Shalish, head of Presidential Security

Also known as Dhu al-Himma Shalish, Bashar's cousin is head of Presidential Security. Gen Shalish once owned SES International, which the US government alleged in 2005 was a "vehicle to put military goods into the hands" of former Iraqi leader Saddam Hussein and his regime.

He and his brother Asef, who managed SES, acted as a "false end user" for Iraq, helping to procure defence-related goods for the Iraqi military before the US-led invasion, it added. SES allegedly provided exporters with end-user certificates indicating Syria was the final destination, and then shipped them illegally to Iraq. Zuhayr was said to have provided close personal assistance to Saddam's oldest son, Uday.

Rustum Ghazali

Gen Ghazali was the chief of Syrian Military Intelligence in Lebanon when Rafik Hariri was assassinated.

Rustum Ghazali was tasked with protecting Syrian interests in Lebanon between 2002 and 2005

He assumed command in 2002, and was the "implementing agent of Syrian policies in Lebanon" until the Syrian withdrawal in 2005, according to the US treasury department. It accused Gen Ghazali of manipulating Lebanese politics to ensure officials and public policy remained committed to Syria's goals and interests. He reportedly used his influence to ensure former President Emile Lahoud's term of office was renewed, while Lebanon's military chiefs allegedly reported to him.

After the withdrawal from Lebanon little was heard of him. However, at the beginning of the protests in the city of Deraa, Gen Ghazali was sent by Bashar al-Assad to assure locals of the president's good intentions. He reportedly told them: "We have released the children" - a reference to several teenagers who were arrested for writing anti-regime graffiti inspired by the events in Egypt and Tunisia.